APA Citation
Freud, S. (1957). On Narcissism: An Introduction. *Standard Edition*, 14, 73--102.
What This Research Found
Sigmund Freud's 1914 paper "On Narcissism: An Introduction" transformed a clinical curiosity into a cornerstone of psychological theory. Before this essay, narcissism referred to a rare sexual perversion---Havelock Ellis's 1898 case of a man aroused by his own mirror image. Freud reconceptualised it as a universal developmental stage and a key to understanding the structure of the human psyche. The paper established concepts that would shape all subsequent understanding of narcissistic personality disorder, from Kohut's self psychology to Kernberg's object relations approach.
The distinction between primary and secondary narcissism: Freud proposed that infants begin life in a state of "primary narcissism"---all libido (psychic energy) is invested in the self before the child can recognise others as separate objects. The infant loves itself before it can love anyone else. As development proceeds, some of this self-directed libido is transferred to external objects (people), enabling love relationships. However, when these external investments fail---through rejection, disappointment, or loss---libido can withdraw from objects back to the ego. This regression constitutes "secondary narcissism." The adult who retreats into grandiose self-absorption after a blow to self-esteem is exhibiting secondary narcissism: a return to the earlier developmental position where the self was the primary object of love.
The introduction of the ego ideal: Perhaps Freud's most influential contribution in this paper was the concept of the "ego ideal" (later elaborated as the superego). This is an internal agency---an image of perfection against which the actual self is continually measured. The ego ideal forms through internalisation of parental standards and cultural values, representing what the person believes they should be. When the gap between the actual self and the ego ideal becomes too great, the person experiences shame and diminished self-regard. Freud observed that narcissistic individuals construct particularly grandiose ego ideals that they then compulsively maintain. The narcissist's apparent self-love is actually love directed toward this idealised self-image, not toward the real self with its imperfections. This insight foreshadows all later understanding of the false self---the grandiose facade that masks underlying emptiness.
Narcissistic versus anaclitic object-choice: Freud described two fundamentally different ways people choose love objects. In anaclitic (attachment-type) object-choice, individuals love based on the model of early caregivers---seeking partners who will provide care, protection, and support. In narcissistic object-choice, individuals love based on the self: they choose objects who represent what they themselves are, what they once were, what they wish to become, or someone who was once part of them (such as a child). This distinction explains why narcissistic individuals often seem incapable of loving others as separate people with their own subjectivity. They are not choosing partners based on who those partners actually are, but based on what those partners represent for the narcissist's self-regard. The partner becomes a mirror, not a person.
The economics of self-regard: Freud introduced a quasi-economic model of self-esteem, describing how libido must be distributed between the self and objects. Too much libido retained in the ego produces pathological narcissism; too much invested in objects leaves the ego impoverished. Healthy development involves finding a balance---maintaining adequate self-regard while also being capable of genuine investment in others. This framework helps explain the narcissist's desperate need for external validation: having invested so much in an inflated ego ideal, they require constant confirmation that they match it. Any withdrawal of admiration threatens the entire psychological economy, explaining why narcissistic injury---wounds to pride---produces such devastating reactions.
How This Research Is Used in the Book
Freud's foundational paper on narcissism appears in Chapter 1: The Face in the Pool of Narcissus and the Child, establishing the historical and conceptual foundation for understanding narcissistic personality disorder.
The chapter traces the transformation of narcissism from myth to diagnosis:
"Freud later transformed it from a clinical curiosity into a psychological cornerstone. His 1914 paper reframed narcissism away from perversion towards a necessary developmental stage---primary narcissism. This was the infant's self-love before they distinguish self from other. When adults regress to this state after injuries to self-esteem, Freud called it secondary narcissism: their libido withdrawn from the world and redirected to the self."
The book uses Freud's concept of the ego ideal to explain the characteristic shame that underlies narcissistic grandiosity:
"He introduced the idea of ego-ideal: an internalised image of perfection against which the actual self is measured. When the gap between ideal and reality becomes unbearable, individuals retreat into narcissistic fantasy rather than face their limitations. This insight foreshadows our later understanding of the false-self---and the shame it exists to hide."
By positioning Freud's 1914 essay at the beginning of the book's narrative, Narcissus and the Child establishes that narcissism is not merely a modern buzzword but a concept with over a century of theoretical development. Freud's framework provides the foundation upon which Kernberg, Kohut, and contemporary researchers have built. Understanding that the narcissist's grandiosity compensates for intolerable gaps between actual and ideal self helps survivors make sense of the confusing behaviour they witnessed: the apparent self-love that was actually fragile self-protection, the devastating reactions to minor criticism, the inability to see others as separate people rather than mirrors for self-regard.
Why This Matters for Survivors
If you were raised by or partnered with a narcissist, Freud's century-old insights illuminate experiences that may still feel inexplicable.
You were never truly seen because you were recruited as a mirror. Freud's concept of narcissistic object-choice explains one of the most painful aspects of narcissistic relationships: the persistent sense of being unseen, unknown, reduced to a function. The narcissist does not choose love objects based on who those people actually are---they choose based on what those people represent for their own self-regard. You may have been chosen because you reflected their idealised self-image, reminded them of their younger selves, or represented what they wished to become. What felt like love was often love directed at a projection, not at you. When you inevitably failed to match that projection---by having your own feelings, needs, perspectives, or simple human imperfections---you became threatening or incomprehensible. Understanding this can help you stop searching for what you did wrong. The problem was never your failure to be lovable; it was their incapacity for genuine object-love.
The grandiosity masked unbearable shame. Freud's concept of the ego ideal explains the paradox of someone who seems arrogantly self-assured yet crumbles at minor criticism. The narcissist constructs an internal image of perfection and then compulsively maintains the illusion that they match it. This is not healthy self-confidence; it is anxious self-protection. Beneath the grandiose facade lies terror: the terror of seeing the gap between the ideal and the real self, the gap filled with toxic shame. When you witnessed explosive rage at small slights, when you learned to walk on eggshells to avoid triggering catastrophic reactions, you were observing someone desperately defending against the unbearable recognition that they are not perfect. Their reactions were never really about you---they were about their fragile psychological economy, which cannot tolerate any acknowledgment of imperfection.
Their self-love was not really self-love at all. One of the most confusing aspects of narcissism is that the narcissist appears to love themselves intensely while being utterly dependent on external validation. Freud's framework resolves this paradox. What looks like self-love is actually love directed toward an idealised self-image---the ego ideal---not toward the actual self with its limitations and vulnerabilities. The narcissist has no access to genuine self-compassion because they cannot accept their real self, only their idealised image. This explains why your efforts to help them feel better about themselves always failed: you cannot satisfy the need for validation when the need is structural, arising from the impossibility of matching an unrealistic ideal. You were trying to fill a void that, for them, cannot be filled---because filling it would require accepting the real self they have constructed elaborate defenses to avoid seeing.
You can develop what they could not. Freud's distinction between healthy and pathological narcissism offers hope. Primary narcissism---appropriate self-regard, the capacity to value and care for oneself---is not the enemy. It is the foundation for self-worth that your narcissistic caregiver or partner could not provide you and may not have themselves. Through therapy, safe relationships, and intentional self-work, you can develop what healthy development would have provided: the ability to maintain stable self-esteem without constant external validation, to love yourself as you actually are (imperfections included), and to love others as separate people rather than as mirrors. The narcissist's tragedy is that their defenses prevent them from undertaking this work. Your path is different---painful, certainly, as you process what you experienced---but not structurally blocked.
Clinical Implications
For psychiatrists, psychologists, and trauma-informed clinicians, Freud's foundational paper has implications that extend beyond historical interest to contemporary practice.
Assessment should explore the economics of self-regard. Freud's quasi-economic model---libido distributed between self and objects---provides a clinical lens for assessment. How dependent is this patient on external validation for maintaining any sense of self-worth? How much genuine investment in others (as separate subjects) can they sustain? When narcissistic patients or survivors describe their relationships and self-experience, clinicians can listen for evidence of where libido is invested. The patient who can only talk about others in terms of how those others affect them, who becomes dysregulated when admiration decreases, who cannot maintain interest in others' separate subjectivities---these patterns suggest narcissistic libidinal investment that treatment must address.
The ego ideal is a treatment target. Freud's concept of the ego ideal---the internal standard of perfection---provides a target for therapeutic intervention. Narcissistic patients (and survivors shaped by narcissistic environments) often hold impossibly high standards for themselves, experiencing shame whenever they fall short. Exploring the origins of the ego ideal---usually internalised from parental demands and failures---can help patients develop more realistic and compassionate self-expectations. For survivors, examining how their narcissistic caregiver's ego ideal was projected onto them ("you must be perfect/special/the best to reflect well on me") can help them separate their authentic aspirations from internalised narcissistic demands.
Distinguish narcissistic from anaclitic relating patterns. Freud's distinction between narcissistic and anaclitic object-choice has direct clinical utility. Patients who choose partners narcissistically---based on what the partner represents for their self-regard rather than who the partner actually is---will have different relational patterns and transference manifestations than those with anaclitic (attachment-based) object-choice. Narcissistic object-choice predicts relationships characterised by idealisation-devaluation cycles, difficulty perceiving the partner's separateness, and rage when the partner fails to mirror adequately. Understanding these patterns helps clinicians anticipate transference dynamics and design appropriate interventions.
Understand secondary narcissism as regression under stress. Freud's concept of secondary narcissism---withdrawal of libido from objects back to the self following injury or disappointment---helps clinicians understand temporary narcissistic states in otherwise non-pathological patients. Grief, trauma, major life transitions, and threats to self-esteem can all produce narcissistic withdrawal: decreased interest in others, increased self-focus, temporary grandiosity or its opposite (crushing shame). Recognising this as regression rather than character pathology allows clinicians to respond with empathic attunement rather than confrontation, supporting the patient's return to object-relatedness as the injury heals.
Survivors may have internalised narcissistic ego ideals. Patients who were raised by narcissistic parents often internalised the parent's impossible standards. They may present with perfectionism, chronic shame, and harsh self-judgement---not because they are narcissistic themselves, but because they absorbed the narcissistic parent's ego ideal and now measure themselves against it. Treatment involves helping these patients identify whose standards they are holding themselves to, separating their authentic values from internalised narcissistic demands, and gradually developing a more compassionate and realistic self-evaluation. The goal is not eliminating the ego ideal (some internal standard is necessary for motivation and morality) but making it genuinely their own and appropriately achievable.
Broader Implications
Freud's foundational work on narcissism illuminates patterns far beyond the consulting room, helping us understand how narcissistic dynamics operate across families, cultures, and societies.
The Historical Foundation of a Modern Epidemic
The current cultural conversation about narcissism---the explosion of content about narcissistic abuse, the debates about rising narcissism in younger generations, the concern about narcissistic leadership---all trace back to Freud's 1914 reconceptualisation. Before this paper, narcissism was an obscure perversion; after it, narcissism became available as a framework for understanding everything from individual pathology to social movements. Understanding this history matters because it reveals that we are working with a century-old theoretical foundation. The concepts we use today---narcissistic injury, ego ideal, narcissistic object-choice---are Freud's concepts, elaborated by subsequent theorists but fundamentally unchanged. This long history provides conceptual stability but also raises questions about whether century-old frameworks adequately capture contemporary manifestations.
Intergenerational Transmission of Narcissistic Patterns
Freud's framework helps explain the intergenerational transmission of narcissistic patterns. The narcissistic parent, unable to transform their primary narcissism into genuine object-love, cannot see their child as a separate person. Instead, the child becomes a narcissistic object---chosen and valued based on what they represent for the parent's self-regard. This child grows up without adequate mirroring of their authentic self, potentially developing their own narcissistic compensations or complementary patterns (codependency, people-pleasing). The ego ideal they internalise is the parent's impossible standard, not a realistic assessment of who they could become. Without intervention, they may repeat these patterns with their own children. Freud's framework suggests that breaking these cycles requires not just behavioural change but restructuring of fundamental patterns of self-regard and object-relatedness---work that typically requires skilled therapeutic support.
Relationship Patterns in Adulthood
Adults raised in narcissistic family systems often find themselves in relationships that replicate familiar dynamics. Freud's concept of narcissistic object-choice helps explain these patterns. Having learned that love means being recruited as a mirror for another's self-regard, survivors may unconsciously seek partners who relate to them narcissistically---the dynamic is familiar, activating, even feels like love precisely because it matches early experience. Alternatively, survivors may choose partners narcissistically themselves, seeking someone who represents what they want to be or who reminds them of their idealised parent. Understanding these patterns as narcissistic object-choice---a specific mode of relating that can be recognised and modified---opens possibilities for different choices. Recovery involves learning to choose partners anaclitically (based on actual qualities and genuine attachment) rather than narcissistically.
Cultural and Historical Variations in Narcissism
Freud's framework raises questions about how culture shapes narcissistic expression. The ego ideal is formed through internalisation of parental and cultural standards. Different cultures promote different ideals, which may produce different forms of narcissistic pathology. Cultures that emphasise individual achievement may produce grandiose narcissism organised around success and superiority; cultures that emphasise relational harmony may produce vulnerable narcissism organised around being seen as victimised or morally superior. Similarly, historical changes in parenting, social mobility, and cultural values may shape narcissism's prevalence and presentation across generations. Freud's framework provides tools for this analysis while acknowledging that his own cultural assumptions (early twentieth-century European) inevitably shaped his observations.
Workplace and Organisational Dynamics
Narcissistic leaders frequently rise to power because the traits that constitute pathology in close relationships can appear as strengths in professional contexts. Freud's concept of the grandiose ego ideal helps explain both the appeal and the danger. The leader who maintains an image of perfection, who seems unshakeable in their confidence, who demands mirror-like admiration from subordinates---these patterns may read as strength in interview processes and leadership assessments. But Freud's framework predicts the consequences: rage at narcissistic injury (making honest feedback impossible), inability to see subordinates as separate subjects (leading to exploitation), and splitting between idealised in-group and devalued out-group. Organisations that understand these dynamics can design selection processes, feedback systems, and governance structures that limit the damage narcissistic leaders inflict.
Political and Social Movements
Freud's framework illuminates how narcissistic dynamics operate at scale. Narcissistic leaders attract followers whose own narcissistic needs remain unmet---followers seeking the mirroring, the sense of specialness, the merger with an idealised figure that healthy development would have provided and transformed. The charismatic political figure who promises followers that they are special, chosen, superior to out-groups is offering to meet narcissistic needs that might otherwise drive individual symptom formation. Understanding this dynamic suggests that addressing vulnerability to narcissistic manipulation requires not just counter-messaging but meeting the underlying needs more healthily---through community, belonging, realistic self-esteem, and genuine recognition.
Limitations and Considerations
Freud's foundational work has significant limitations that warrant acknowledgment.
Theoretical assumptions may not be universal. Freud's libido theory---the quasi-economic model of psychic energy that can be invested in self or objects---remains theoretical rather than empirically demonstrated. Contemporary neuroscience does not support the specific mechanisms Freud proposed. The concepts retain clinical utility as metaphors for patterns of self-focus versus other-focus, but clinicians should hold them as heuristic tools rather than literal descriptions of psychological processes.
Cultural and historical specificity. Freud developed his theory based on clinical work with early twentieth-century Viennese patients. The specific forms of narcissism he observed, the developmental pathways he proposed, and the treatment approaches he recommended were shaped by that cultural context. What constitutes pathological versus healthy self-regard varies across cultures; the developmental conditions that produce narcissistic pathology may differ in different family structures and child-rearing practices. Clinicians must adapt Freud's principles to cultural context rather than applying them universally.
The paper predates personality disorder diagnosis. Freud's 1914 essay introduced concepts but did not establish the clinical category of narcissistic personality disorder, which entered psychiatric nosology only in 1980. The relationship between Freud's theoretical constructs and the DSM's diagnostic criteria is indirect. Patients meeting DSM criteria for NPD may or may not fit Freud's theoretical framework neatly; Freud's framework captures dynamics that may appear in individuals not meeting diagnostic criteria. Clinicians should use Freud's concepts as tools for understanding rather than as diagnostic criteria.
Gender assumptions permeate the theory. Freud's discussion of narcissistic versus anaclitic object-choice includes claims about gender differences---that women more often love narcissistically while men more often love anaclitically---that reflect early twentieth-century gender assumptions rather than empirical observation. These claims have not been supported by subsequent research and should not be applied clinically. The concepts of narcissistic and anaclitic object-choice remain useful when separated from Freud's gender essentialism.
Historical Context
"On Narcissism: An Introduction" appeared in 1914, a pivotal year both for the world (World War I was imminent) and for psychoanalysis. The essay emerged during a period of theoretical crisis and political conflict within the psychoanalytic movement.
Freud was responding partly to challenges from former colleagues. Carl Jung had proposed a non-sexual "general libido" that could be invested in cultural and spiritual pursuits; Alfred Adler had emphasised ego drives and the "masculine protest" over sexuality. Both men had broken from Freud's inner circle, and "On Narcissism" represents partly an attempt to incorporate their insights while maintaining the centrality of libido theory. By showing that the ego itself could be libidinally invested, Freud could acknowledge ego-related phenomena without abandoning sexuality as the primary drive.
The paper also represents a transitional moment in Freud's own theoretical development. He had previously distinguished between ego drives (self-preservation) and sexual drives (libido). But if the ego could itself be a sexual object---the insight central to this paper---then the simple dualism broke down. This tension would eventually lead Freud to his final drive theory, distinguishing life drives (Eros) from death drives (Thanatos), first articulated in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920).
The concepts introduced in this paper---particularly the ego ideal---foreshadowed Freud's structural model of the mind (id, ego, superego), which he would fully develop in The Ego and the Id (1923). The ego ideal became a precursor to the superego, the internalised agency of moral standards and ideals against which the ego is measured.
Perhaps most significantly for contemporary readers, this paper established the conceptual foundation upon which all subsequent psychoanalytic approaches to narcissism would build. Otto Kernberg's object relations theory of pathological narcissism (1975), Heinz Kohut's self psychology (1971), and contemporary neurobiological approaches all trace their conceptual lineage to Freud's 1914 reconceptualisation of narcissism from perversion to developmental stage and structural feature of the psyche.
The paper has been cited thousands of times and translated into dozens of languages. Over a century later, when clinicians discuss primary narcissism, narcissistic injury, or the ego ideal, they are using concepts that Freud introduced in these pages. The cultural conversation about narcissism---from pop psychology articles to serious academic research---remains fundamentally shaped by this one essay.
Further Reading
- Freud, S. (1917). Mourning and melancholia. In The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XIV. Hogarth Press. [Extends narcissism theory to depression]
- Freud, S. (1923). The ego and the id. In The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XIX. Hogarth Press. [Develops the structural model implicit in the narcissism paper]
- Kohut, H. (1971). The Analysis of the Self. International Universities Press. [Major elaboration of Freud's narcissism concepts]
- Kernberg, O.F. (1975). Borderline Conditions and Pathological Narcissism. Jason Aronson. [Alternative psychoanalytic framework for narcissism]
- Pulver, S.E. (1970). Narcissism: The term and the concept. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 18(2), 319-341. [Scholarly review of how the concept evolved from Freud]
- Ronningstam, E. (2005). Identifying and Understanding the Narcissistic Personality. Oxford University Press. [Contemporary integration of psychoanalytic and empirical approaches]